Those experts were horrendously vicious. I can name them and can still describe their dismissive cruelty, since I spent ten years socializing nonstop in the Perl5 core communities (and have a CPAN id, and have an Authors entry in Perl5 core). Think “Linus before he learned to stop insulting people’s worth and focus on critiquing their work instead”. It was absolutely intended as a form of cultural propagation: I can do this more succinctly, so You Should Be Ashamed Before Me. If somehow you weren’t exposed to that aspect of it, I envy you.
Interestingly, that same prideful “my way is so obviously better that it’s a ridiculous waste of my time considering yours” ended up carrying forward to Mozilla, which was launched in part by cultural exports of the Perl5 conservative-libertarian community, and for a decade developer hiring was filtered for cultural sameness, leaving a forest of TMTOWTDI trees that viewed meadows as an aberration to be reforested back to their sameness.
You indeed ran into toxic environments. I don't feel that the common, new perl programmer intake path was anything like that. Not what I ever ran into.
Support in forums and such was needlessly short in using RTFM as an answer. People could have pasted a one paragraph pointer to the documentation intake path and that would have helped.
It does if you restrict flexibility, but one of the critical flaws in Perl culture was the belief in letting everyone evolve in different directions while cooperating. It’s a genuinely charming belief, but it’s also explicitly incompatible with ‘interchangeable parts’ employment, and tends to only work in an environment where every individual is the ‘wizard’ lord of their personal domain over code. Even if you managed to train everyone to parse Perl, the cognitive overhead of having to train everyone in each other’s syntactic decisions was O(2^n) expensive, which contrasted quite sharply with Python moving that expensive cognitive overhead to the Proposals system while the produced language had slow version updates and “What we argued about so you don’t have to retread the same ground at work every quarter” mission briefs.
Some of the reasons why I never bothered with Perl was that I had the perception that it, like Ruby, encouraged mutating and modifying classes on the fly, willy-nilly. And the lack of static typing. Python also did not have static typing (it has some optional typing now or something like it), but my perception was that monkeypatching was not abused as much in Python as it might be in Perl and Ruby. Not that I used Python a lot.
> Some of it I recognize as being an artefact of the time, when conciseness really mattered
It was an artefact of bursting out of those constraints, but honoring them still. The roots of perl as a “more capable, less restrictive” sed/awk means that it must support `perl -pi.bak -e oneliner file`, just like sed did — and so from that core requirement forward, everything it did, does. By the heyday of Perl5 era, conciseness was not a requirement, but the sed-compat roots remained a focus of the language’s creator.
In some countries, drivers are expected to prove their ability to operate heavy machinery safely, held that promise, and governments prioritize zero deaths in their spending and policy making.
In the U.S., billions of dollars that could be spent on proven ways of solving the problem are instead spend on speculative robotic car development.
Robotic cars are not the only solution. They may eventually be as effective as proven solutions that are offensive to U.S. car supremacists, but as of today, robotic cars have proven only to be better than untrained, inattentive U.S. drivers and the life-threatening domestic policies that enable them. Robotic cars aren’t trying to solve the problem; they’re trying to capture spending on the problem. If transportation policy magically changed overnight to force immediate, funded implementation of proven safety processes from other countries, the excuses given for Waymo and others to beta-test their “these fatalities are a necessary accident in service of zero deaths” robotic vehicles would no longer hold water.
Autonomous vehicles don't impede transit advocacy, and they genuinely can be massive accessibility improvements to disabled and disadvantaged populations. Unless you have a magic wand to make those changes, it seems like AVs are an improvement over the current situation?
Transit changes are not required to implement the safety changes made by other countries. The cause and effect is reversed here: safety changes make transit more appealing because safety changes tend to decrease peak vehicle capacity, but transit does not make safety more appealing to untrained and overconfident (or willfully unsafe) drivers. You can’t just focus on transit while ignoring drivers and expect people to stop dying.
I remember during the first days of Covid lockdown how 99% of the cars on the busy hill outside my apartment were replaced by transit, with a commute distance of zero miles. The people who liked to do downhill racing on that hill during the day sped up from their usual brake-screech limits of 40mph to as high as 70mph, in a 35mph residential with an unsignaled busy crosswalk. And they continued doing this until the end of the lockdown when other cars got in their way again. Transit might reduce total car volume but it would increase the mean kill rate per roadway vehicle without safety culture and spending shifts.
Regardless, people who are on transit or in autonomous vehicles are people who won't be increasing roadway risk. AVs can adopt new driving rules without the typical years of political struggle over license points. AVs also have capabilities for better traffic shaping in cities. Responding to SF's market street closure was very easy with AVs. It was the uber drivers and tourists who struggled.
Meanwhile, she persisted, we could have zero deaths tomorrow if it was important to our culture. As we each recognized, the culture clearly isn’t changing anytime soon — but that lack of cultural concern invalidates “reduces deaths” as a relevant marketing claim for robotic cars. Why is it the preferred talking point for advocates when it’s demonstrably irrelevant?
I genuinely don't understand what policy changes you think would lead to zero deaths tomorrow. We'd still have deaths even if no one left their driveway without a valid CDL and a resolve to never exceed 10km/h.
Yeah, I get that; and! some of it is particularly nonintuitive outcomes from human psych/soci that look ghastly through a rational behavior lens. There’s a lot of reading that one can do on the subject if independently curious.
You should probably consult a lawyer, or file a small claims court case for specific performance or refund of your $24 payment delivered by certified mail. In either scenario they will be motivated to accept and process your payment and restore normal services billing to you long before you see the inside of a courtroom, as lawyers cost them much more than $24/hour for an obvious fuckup on their side (and most likely they would have to send an actual executive to small claims court, where lawyers are unwelcome).
Yeah, I've considered starting with an FTC/AG complaint to see if that would get any traction, but I'm still (naively?) crossing my fingers that I can get SOME movement on Twitter.
Uh. Okay. But, like. Thousands of dollars a month in potential spend but no lawyer consult yet? You do you, but it sounds like you just aren't that into Azure. If you’re willing to post an essay about this, put your money where your keyboard is. Everything short of that can be safely and cheaply ignored by Microsoft with no consequence or penalty.
If you think of it as a homeowner debt subsidy, that forces a higher percentage of the country into recurring-revenue rentals, that provides an adverse incentive against correcting home prices for income. Right now the consumer debt that’s substituting for wage increases hinges on the middle class being able to access lines of credit; one very popular LOC is home mortgages. If home values are allowed to fall to the level predicted by median wages, that could trigger a massive wave of defaults and bankruptcies as existing loans go underwater, homeowners have their lines of credit shorn, and then start missing mortgage payments and file for bankruptcy. U.S. mortgage loans for 1-4 bedroom properties are currently $14.5 trillion USD; for comparison, U.S. GDP is around $31 trillion USD. So if 10% of homeowners default or discharge their mortgage debts due to home prices collapsing to realistic levels, U.S. GDP drops 5% that year (not accounting for the loss of interest the banks would’ve recorded to GDP as production output for up to decades). Median household wages for homeowners is $86k, well below the $120-140k threshold recently discussed, supporting the government estimates that 30% of homeowners have difficulty making payments on their homes. So, if those 30% went bankrupt over a home prices crash, there’s a plausible threat of a 15% collapse in GDP (compared to Covid, which was around 10%).
Relative to that, I don’t think economic policy is likely to prioritize new home ownership, not when a catastrophic reversal of years of GDP gain is a material risk. It would be a different story in a first world country, I expect, but here trying to reset home prices would just result in a massive rent costs spike (the U.S. free market tends not to build median-wages housing if it can avoid it) and a notable fraction of those households becoming homeless, while they watch as other families benefit from the price correction’s devastation by buying up their home at auction. The best that policy can do with the restrictions the U.S. government places on itself is to issue federal funding to regional governments to build median-price housing — and since much of that funding would go to regions explicitly hostile to current U.S. leadership, that is extremely unlikely to be passed by Congress.
Year-over-year increase in GDP in the U.S. right now is almost exclusively “production” output from the healthcare industry, whose profits are stratospheric and rising. So there’s two useful datapoints here: first, the bill must be paid, or U.S. GDP growth year-over-year falters, not because healthcare costs this much; and second, household debt continues to increase year-over-year to permit continued wage stagnation. Whether insurers end up lowering their profits (and thus prices) as the subsidy expires centers around whether banks extend further debt as a household wages subsidy. As of right now, that seems to be continuing, even though some of that debt market is in the midst of a small crash, so insurers (who have no regulatory limits on profit levels) are unlikely to lower their profit targets as subsidies end.
So long as the political will of U.S. leadership supports that continued profit, and either government and/or banks subsidize worker wages to cover the increased profits, then we’ll continue seeing growth in costs on paper before subsidies. This growth in profits/prices could not be sustained on wages alone, given the continuing decline of inflation-adjusted worker earnings; and so to answer your question, yes: the act of subsidizing is what’s enabling the prices being charged; but, no: the costs of providing healthcare to any one person of a given age are not increasing due to subsidies; just the profits.
Commercial health insurers have relatively low profit margins. This is forced by the ACA minimum medical loss ratio. In theory Congress could increase that ratio slightly but it wouldn't do much to improve affordability for consumers.
That restriction is mysteriously absent from the actual published data showing their revenue growth rate spiking sharply when ACA was passed. There’s lots of sources for that data, but I liked this chart for its simplicity:
It presents nice easy datapoints: Cigna raised its profits by $40B/yr, an increase of 400% of its pre-subsidy profits, in just a decade — and one can safely assume that now that they’re accustomed to the new profit levels, there is no way they’ll voluntarily give them up. Whatever was intended with the medical loss ratio, Congress fucked up by not including a simple dollars-per-subscriber cap on net revenue.
Interestingly, that same prideful “my way is so obviously better that it’s a ridiculous waste of my time considering yours” ended up carrying forward to Mozilla, which was launched in part by cultural exports of the Perl5 conservative-libertarian community, and for a decade developer hiring was filtered for cultural sameness, leaving a forest of TMTOWTDI trees that viewed meadows as an aberration to be reforested back to their sameness.
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